澳门六合彩

Although both the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) advocated for “national roads to socialism” and shared concerns about Moscow’s influence over the international communist movement, the political and ideological dynamics of the Cold War fostered years of mutual hostility between the two parties. Only after the death of Mao Zedong did the PCI and CCP begin a complex process of rapprochement, culminating in the normalization of ties with Enrico Berlinguer's visit to China in April 1980. While the subsequent decade saw several leadership exchanges as both parties sought to overcome the bipolar order, the political crises of the late 1980s?ultimately?led to a definitive split between the re-entrenched CCP and the?PCI’s social-democratic successors.

This essay, and an? from the archives of the PCI generously made accessible by the Fondazione Istituto Gramsci, introduces the rise and fall of ties between these two major communist parties.

Early Disputes

During the 1950s, PCI-CCP relations initially developed positively, as both parties shared similar perspectives on autonomy 惫颈蝉-à-惫颈蝉 the Soviet Union.[1] However, the divergences exposed by the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, along with Beijing’s increasingly radical domestic policies, stoked a growing rift between the two parties.[2] In April 1959, during a meeting with Giancarlo Pajetta, head of the first high-profile PCI delegation to China, Mao Zedong raised major misgivings about the Italian communists’ peaceful approach to achieving socialism ().

Following the intense debates at the 1960 World Conference of 81 Communist and Workers Parties in Moscow, the PCI-CCP dispute came to a head at the 10th Congress of the PCI in December 1962. The Chinese delegation denounced the Italian communists for their criticism of the Albanian Workers’ Party and their endorsement of the peaceful resolution of the Cuban Missile Crisis.[3]?

The PCI rebutted China’s criticisms, but also invited the CCP to send a delegation to Italy to discuss and resolve their divergences—an invitation that went unanswered. Instead, a few days later, an editorial was published in People’s Daily?criticizing PCI leader Palmiro Togliatti, his stance on international affairs, and his acceptance of “Soviet revisionism.”[4] This article, along with Togliatti’s retort and a subsequent list of Chinese grievances, marked the de facto rupture in PCI-CCP relations.[5]

The dispute mainly concerned “peaceful coexistence.” The CCP viewed the PCI’s approach to building socialism peacefully, through structural reforms within a democratic system, as revisionist and opportunist. Conversely, Mao’s aggressive anti-imperialism and his commitment to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the inevitability of war was anathema to the Italian communists, for whom peace was a necessary prerequisite for the “Italian road to socialism.”[6] Therefore, to uphold 诲é迟别苍迟别, the PCI had little choice but to align with Moscow in the Sino-Soviet Split.?

Nevertheless, despite contesting China’s hawkish rhetoric, the PCI never endorsed excommunicating the CCP, much to the Soviets’ chagrin. Guided by Togliatti’s vision of “polycentrism,” the Italian communists recognized Beijing’s desire for autonomy from Moscow and its adaptation of Marxism to China’s national conditions.[7] The PCI also supported China escaping its pariah status and normalizing its diplomatic relations with the West, particularly with Italy.[8] This stance stemmed from the PCI’s desire for unity within the communist movement and their own concerns regarding Soviet influence.

Reconciliation

Despite Italian overtures, internal conflicts within the CCP during the Cultural Revolution rendered all attempts at reconciliation futile. It was not until 1976, after Mao’s death and the emergence of a more pragmatic Chinese leadership, that the conditions for rapprochement materialized.[9] Concurrently, tensions between the PCI and the USSR, first exacerbated by the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, intensified as the PCI under General Secretary Enrico Berlinguer pursued further autonomy from Moscow. By 1977-1978, facing mounting Soviet criticism of “Eurocommunism,” the PCI turned to Yugoslavia for assistance in establishing contact with the CCP as a potential partner against Soviet hegemony and for constructing a new, fairer international order.[10]?

The Chinese were receptive and by early 1979, the PCI and CCP re-established lines of communication. Soon after, two confidential meetings took place in April and June 1979 in Rome between CCP officials and Antonio Rubbi, head of foreign relations for the PCI, which laid the groundwork for a PCI delegation to visit China in July for secret talks ().[11]?

In their report written upon their return from China, Rubbi and Angelo Oliva highlighted that the CCP’s desire to re-establish formal relations with the PCI stemmed mainly from the party’s weight within Italy and, notably, Europe – a region increasingly deemed strategic by China under its “Three Worlds Theory” ().[12] Rubbi and Oliva further noted that the CCP appreciated the PCI’s autonomy, especially its stance toward the Soviet Union (,?, and?). Toward the end of 1979, the CCP would also respond positively to the PCI’s deepening engagement in European institutions and its vehement condemnation of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan seeing these developments as proof of the Italian communists’ independence from Moscow.

Cooperation Despite Disagreements

Invited by President Hua Guofeng during his state visit to Rome in November 1979, Berlinguer led a PCI delegation to China from April 12 to 23, 1980. While this historic visit marked the full restoration of PCI-CCP relations, significant differences arose on international affairs, in particular on the threat posed by Soviet “social imperialism.” Despite the concerns expressed by Hua Guofeng, Deng Xiaoping, and Hu Yaobang (, , and ), the PCI refused to label the USSR an enemy, rejected the idea of organizing a grand coalition against Moscow, and maintained that the solution to Afghanistan was finding a way for the Soviet Army to leave “with dignity” (). Conversely, the Chinese dismissed Italian concerns over their continued ties with Pinochet’s regime in Chile ().?

Nevertheless, both parties agreed that these divergences should not impede cooperation. While the CCP remained concerned about the possibility of the PCI publicly criticizing China’s foreign policy, they respected the Italian communists’ autonomy. Notably, the CCP asked the PCI to convey an invitation to French President Fran?ois Mitterrand to visit China, as they deemed the French Communist Party insufficiently autonomous to do so (). Regardless, the two parties’ differing perspectives on international issues would continue to re-emerge during both lower-level exchanges (), as well as Berlinguer’s second trip to China in August 1983 ().[13]?

Following Berlinguer’s sudden death in 1984, Alessandro Natta upheld his predecessor’s line toward China. This seemed to yield positive results, as Natta perceived a growing alignment between the PCI and CCP on international affairs.[14] In a meeting with Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang in Beijing in October 1985, the Chinese not only renounced their stance on the inevitability of war but also agreed on the need to transcend the Cold War bipolar order, emphasizing European autonomy and solidarity with the Third World (). However, while the PCI hoped for a Sino-Soviet reconciliation, a meeting in Rome with Hu Yaobang in June 1986 revealed that Chinese distrust toward Moscow remained despite Gorbachev's reforms ().[15]

Stagnating Relations at the End of the Cold War

Relations with the CCP stagnated toward the late 1980s as the Italian communists faced political and electoral setbacks. PCI representatives also lamented that they were getting less and less from their encounters with Chinese officials (). The PCI leadership thus increasingly relied on reports by China correspondents of PCI-affiliated newspapers, like Sigmund Ginzberg, for information on Chinese affairs ( and?). The Italian communists also began paying closer attention to socio-economic issues and the growing unrest affecting China ( and?), with PCI leaders expressing concern over the CCP's fight against “bourgeois liberalism” ().?

Amidst General Secretary Achille Occhetto’s early efforts to reshape the PCI into a social-democratic party, the PCI issued a statement in May 1989 expressing solidarity with?
protesting “Chinese students, workers and popular forces demanding democracy” (). For the Italian communists, the subsequent crackdown would not only cast a long shadow over their long-hoped-for Sino-Soviet reconciliation finally materializing, but also marked a new, definitive PCI-CCP split as the two parties’ roads radically diverged in the emerging post-Cold War world.

Connected Documents

Document 1:?

In April 1959, during a meeting with Giancarlo Pajetta, head of the first high-profile PCI delegation to China, Mao Zedong raised major misgivings about the Italian communists’ peaceful approach to achieving socialism.

Document 2:?

In this note dated June 13, 1979, to Enrico Berlinguer, Antonio Rubbi reports on his meeting with the new chargé?d’affaires at the Chinese embassy. The chargé stated that the International Liaison Department of the Central Committee of the CCP was proposing to hold a second confidential meeting with a PCI delegation in Beijing. The chargé also extended an invitation to two journalists of the Italian newspapers L’Unità and Rinascita to visit China for 2-3 weeks.

Document 3.1:?

In this note dated August 5, 1979, Antonio Rubbi and Angelo Oliva provide a report on the visit to China and on the closed-door meetings between the PCI and CCP delegations from July 24 to 31, 1979. Attached to the note are a number of annexes with the statements made at the meetings.

Document 3.2:?

In this note, the Italian delegation gives some introductory remarks stressing the importance of the ongoing negotiations for peace between China and Vietnam - following the conflict of February 1979 - and China and the Soviet Union - for a new start of state-to-state relations.

Document 3.3:?

In this note, the Italian delegation introduces the elements of the Italian economic and social crisis and the consequent willingness of the Communist Party to cooperate with the Christian Democrats after the elections of 1976, an attempt that was strongly opposed by the conservative forces within the Christian Democrats and outside Italy. They also introduce the outcome of the XV Congress of the Communist Party and the European elections.

Document 3.4:?

In this note, the Italian delegation stresses the importance of the negotiations between China and Vietnam, the international crisis and the advance of the rightist parties at the European elections and the energy crisis. A special focus is devoted to a critical approach to Chinese hostility towards the Soviet Union.

Document 3.5:?

An invite to the Chinese to continue the development of bilateral relations on the basis of a spirit of mutual respect but with a stronger frequency of meetings and exchanges. It also contains a note of July 30, 1979 and July 31, 1979, where the representatives of the Italian Communist Party respond to the speech given by Feng Xuan and Li Yimang.

Document 3.6:?

The Chinese delegation introduces the internal situation in China and emphasizes the effort of the CCP for unity and stability after the arrest of the Gang of Four. The main contradiction, as Mao said, is no more the class struggle but the eradication of the obstacles that impede the implementation of the Four Modernizations.

Document 3.7:?

The Chinese delegation stresses that Soviet social-imperialism is the main offensive threat to world peace today. Europe is its main target to win over the US in the global hegemonic race. The Soviet Union is in an offensive posture while the US is on a defensive one. It also describes China's position on the conflict with Vietnam.

Document 3.8:?

It contains the notes of the July 1979 meetings with Feng Xuan. Feng advocates for good relationship between the two sides based on mutual respect and equality and independence. He talks about the Soviet military threat on China. He stressed that the PCI position that advocates for criticism to other parties on 'important issues' is considered hostile to the CCP if that touches on Sino-Soviet relations. Feng expresses his wish to host in 1980 an official delegation of the CC of the PCI.

Document 3.9:?

A list of the CCP leaders that the Italian Communist Party delegation met with.

Document 4:?

In this note to Enrico Berlinguer dated September 26, 1979, Antonio Rubbi delivers a report on his meeting on September 25, 1979, with the Chinese chargé?d’affaires?and cultural attaché. The topics discussed included the visit of two Italian journalists to China, the invitation to the FGCI to visit China and the upcoming 30th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China.

Document 5:?

Summary of the meeting between PCI and CCP at the Chinese Embassy in Rome on the eve of PCI XV Congress

Document 6:?

This note from Antonio Rubbi to Enrico Berlinquer is dated December 20, 1979, and regards the invitation of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party to the Italian Communist Party for the PCI Secretary General to visit China.

Document 7:?

A cover letter dated March 21, 1980, from Antonio Rubbi relaying the notes of a PCI delegation to Beijing from March 11 to 13, 1980

Document 8:?

Bullet points of the Italian Communists presentation to the Chinese given on March 11, 1980, on the internal and international situation.

Document 9:?

On March 11, 1980, Feng introduces the internal situation of the CCP and the reason for the anticipation of the XII Congress, the return of the Secretariat with Hu Yaobang in it, and the rehabilitation of Liu Shaoqi.

Document 10:?

This document drafted by the Ambassador Francisci in Beijing on April 11th was received by the PCI on April 14, 1980. It is an account of the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CCP (December 18-22, 1978), the 2nd Plenary Session of the 5th People’s National Assembly (June 18-July 1, 1979) and of the National Assembly of the 5th People’s National Assembly (June 15-July 2, 1979) and 4th Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CCP (September 25-28, 1979). In the conclusion the Ambassador Francisci drafts an interesting analysis of the anti-Dengist and pro-Dengist social groups within China.

Document 11.1:?

This document includes a program of the meetings between PCI and CCP held in Beijing from April 15 to 22 1980 and a series of annexes with a collection of minutes from the meetings of the PCI delegation with the CCP delegation and with Hua Guofeng and Deng Xiaoping.

Document 11.2:?

The speech given by Hu Yaobang analyzes the process of domestic change after 1976 in an historical perspective that touches upon Mao's errors. (in French)

Document 11.3:?

Hu Yaobang summarize in six points the international situation and the position of CCP in foreign policy: USSR, China-Vietnam, Cambodia.

Document 11.4:?

Hu Yaobang talks on the bilateral relations between CCP and PCI (in French)

Document 11.5:?

Talks between Hu Yaobang, Berlinguer and Pajetta. Pajetta presents a series of questions to the Chinese and give a brief talk stressing respect for the Chinese comrades decisions.

Document 11.6:?

Hu Yaobang answers to Pajetta's questions on: Lin Biao and the Gang of Four; their influence on foreign policy in 1966-1967 and in 1974; the recognition of Pinochet government in Chile

Document 11.7:?

Hu Yaobang asks about PCI relations with USA; PCI relations with French Socialists; and Hu's proposal to use the PCI to send Mitterrand a message and an invitation to China.

Document 11.8:?

The PCI proposes a set of option for future cooperation and Hu Yaobang accepts them all: a CCP delegation to Italy; continuous dialogue between PCI and CCP via the correspondent of Unita in Beijing and Chinese Ambassador in Rome; etc.

Document 11.9:?

Hua talks about the bilateral misunderstanding of the past. He stressed the importance of his visit to Yugoslavia and Tito's role in improving the relationship with the PCI. He also touches upon the situation in Afghanistan.

Document 11.10:?

Deng and Berlinguer talk about the strategy of Indira Gandhi and the policy of the Soviet Union in South Asia.

Document 11.11:?

Document 11.12:?

Berlinguer explains that they cannot invite the French Socialist on behalf of the CCP as the French Communist might get offended. Hu Yaobang said that the CCP was not ready to normalize relations with the French Communists as they were not independent enough yet.

Document 12:

Gian Carlo Pajetta presents to the PCI Politburo a brief report on the outcomes and discussions during the PCI delegation's trip to the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Document 12:?

This document dated May 19, 1980, is the draft version of a letter to Hu Yaobang in which Enrico Berlinguer thanks the Secretary General for the hospitality received during his visit to China.

Document 13:?

This document dated May 19, 1980, is the final version of a letter to Hu Yaobang in which Enrico Berlinguer thanks the Secretary General of the Central Committee of the CCP for the hospitality received during his visit to China.

Document 14.1:?

A cover sheet for a series of documents concerning meetings between the PCI and the CCP in July 1981.

Document 14.2:?

A cover sheet for a series of documents concerning meetings between the PCI and the CCP in July 1981.

Document 14.3:?

Peng Zhen exposes the outcome of the 6th Plenum of CC of the CCP elected at the 11th Congress concerning the approval of the document on the history of the CCP.

Document 14.4:?

Chiaromonte introduces domestic and international situation; Peng Zhen asks about the meeting with the French Communists. Berlinguer makes a speech.

Document 14.5:?

Chiaromonte and Peng Zhen discuss on the internal situation in China after the 6th Plenum; on URSS and Afghanistan; Cambodia; European missiles; on China and Soviet Union. Berlinguer comments on the resolution of the 6th Plenum and appreciate it.

Document 14.6:?

Peng Zhen speaks on the reasons of Chinese intervention in Vietnam on 1979.

Document 14.7:?

A list of future exchange between the PCI and the CCP.

Document 14.8:?

Document 14.9:?

Peng Zhen asks questions on the situation of the PCI in Lombardy

Document 14.10:?

Meeting on July 9th 1981 in Bologna at the Youth Federation. Peng Zhen asks a series of questions to Imbeni on the provincial organization of the PCI.

Document 14.11:?

Peng Zhen asks questions about the workers conditions in the cooperative.

Document 14.12:?

Document 14.13:?

Document 15:?

Introduced by a cover letter signed by Antonio Rubbi and dated October 27, 1981, this document is a note from Siegmund Ginzberg during his visit to China.

Document 16:?

A draft version of a letter from Enrico Berlinguer to Hu Yaobang.

Document 17:?

A draft version of a letter from Enrico Berlinguer to Hu Yaobang.

Document 18:?

This document dated November 29, 1981 is the final version of a letter from Enrico Berlinguer to Hu Yaobang, President of the Chinese Communist Party, in which he invites his Chinese counterpart to contribute to finding a solution to the situation that has developed in Central and Latin America, especially with regard to US interference in these countries.

Document 19:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated January 15, 1982, the document is a report by Siegmund Ginzberg dated January 4, 1982 from Beijing. It is an account on the situation in the country and on some positions of the CCP.

Document 20:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated January 22, 1982, the document is a report by Siegmund Ginzberg dated January 13, 1982 from Beijing.

Document 21:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated April 30, 1982, the document is a report by Siegmund Ginzberg dated April 28, 1982 from Beijing. It is an account on the situation in the country and on Chinese foreign policy.

Document 22:?

This document dated May 1982 is an account of the visit of a delegation of the Chinese Communist Party to Italy.

Document 23:?

This note dated May 5, 1982, is Giuliano Pajetta’s report on his trip to China from April 8 to 29, 1982.

Document 24:?

This document dated November 6, 1982 is a report from Antonio Rubbi on a meeting he had with the Chinese chargé?d’affaires on November 5th. He had been ordered to inform the PCI, the only party to be informed, of the visit of Marchais to China. During the meeting with Hu Yaobang, he states that China is leading player is defending world peace. Both the USSR and USA are to blame for current unrest in their quest for hegemony.

Document 25:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated February 1, 1983, this letter from Siegmund Ginzberg dated January 27, 1983 is an account of a conversation with Deng Liqun in which he uses harsh words when speaking of US President Ronald Reagan. The letter also provides an overview of the state of Chinese relations with communist parties around the world.

Document 26:?

In this letter dated February 26, 1983 to Enrico Berlinguer, Hu Yaobang sends his greetings and gives a brief update on the 12th Congress, which aimed at a socialist modernization. He expresses his appreciation for the excellent relations with the PCI, extending an invitation to meet a delegation of Italian Communists in China.

Document 27:?

Berlinguer thanks Hu for the participation of the CCP delegation to the XVI Congress of the PCI.

Document 28:?

This document is an account of the meeting between Hu Yaobang, secretary general of the CCP, and Enrico Berlinguer, secretary of the Italian Communist Party, in Beijing on August 16, 1983. The topics covered by the meeting were economic growth in China and the international situation.

Document 29:?

This document is an account of the meeting between Wu Xueqian, Chinese foreign minister, and Enrico Berlinguer, secretary of the Italian Communist Party, in Beijing on August 28, 1983. The topics covered by the meeting were the improvement in relations with the Eastern bloc and talks on disarmament, as well as relations with other countries

Document 30:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated April 9, 1984, this document is a letter from Siegmund Ginzberg updating the PCI on the situation in China. He speaks of the preparations for Reagan’s visit to China, contacts with the Vatican, internal policy issues and finally the case of Tiziano Terzani, an Italian Journalist. As for this latter issue, he expresses his incredulity on the reasons for his expulsion from the country.

Document 31:?

A letter dated July 17, 1984 from Ginzberg to Antonio Rubbi that includes the former's notes on a number of issues before his meeting with Hu Yaobang

Document 32:?

A cover letter from Antonio dated September 15, 1984 for two notes: one from Siegmund Ginzberg and the other from Marco Bosio.

Document 33:?

Rubbi transmits a letter from Giorgio?Napolitano.

Document 34:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated April 10, 1985, this document is a letter from Siegmund Ginzberg dated March 30, 1985 updating the PCI on the situation in China. The topics covered include a conversation with Hu Yaobang, Natta’s visit, Australia, Vietnam and Cambodia, relations with the USSR, the economy, change in the CCP and the Japanese Communist Party.

Document 35:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated August 8, 1985, this document is a report from the delegation of PCI activists who visited China from July 10 to August 1, 1985. The topics covered include the new course of Chinese economic policy, the international implications of this new course, and internal issues of CCP. In particular, the delegation points out that there was a gap” between the level of the Chinese representatives they met who were high-ranking officials and the “quality” of the information received.

Document 36:?

PCI Secretary Alessandro Natta reports to the PCI Politburo on his trip to China and his meetings with Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang. He also provides insights into apparent shifts in China's foreign policy, emphasizing Beijing's renewed focus on peaceful coexistence, non-alignment and engagement with the Third World.

Document 37:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated February 12, 1986, this report from Siegmund Ginzberg dated February 6, 1986 is centered on relations between China and the USSR. In particular, the Chinese lament a lack of progress and accuse the Soviets of presenting the situation much rosier than it actually is.

Document 38:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated June 25, 1986, this document is a report on the meeting between Raffaello De Brasi and Hu Yaobang. The issues covered include the Chinese internal situation, Chinese relations with the USSR and other socialist countries and in particular disarmament, and relations between China and the West.

Document 39:?

A summary of political information gathered from Italian Communist Party's delegation to China on international relations, reforms and economic situation, and ideological and cultural positions of China.

Document 40:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated January 8, 1987, this document is a report from the delegation of the Italian Communist Party led by Reichlin to China from December 3 to 15, 1986. It mainly discusses the state of implementation of economic reforms. As for international affairs, a Chinese official are looking with interest and favor to Gorbachev’s reforms in the USSR.

Document 41:?

This document dated March 17, 1987 is a report from Antonio Rubbi on his meeting with the Chinese foreign minister, Wu Xueqian. The most interesting facts of the meeting were that China expected to establish full relations with all Eastern European socialist countries by the end of 1987 and that the student protests had been fueled by intellectuals who wanted to “westernize” the country. As for Hu Yaobang, the Chinese official explained that had been removed from office because he had failed to uphold the principles of Chinese policy.

Document 42:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated March 23, 1987, this document is a report from Ugo Mazza and Vittorio Campione on their visit to China. The topics covered include in particular the resignation of Hu Yaobang and the fight against bourgeois liberalism and Chinese opinions on Gorbachev.

Document 43:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated August 7, 1987, this report by Luciano Pettinari covers the visit of the PCI delegation to China from July 7 to 20, 1987. It mainly deals with economic reforms in China, the change of secretary general and the preparations for the Congress of the CCP.

Document 44:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated January 7, 1988, this is a report by Lina Tamburrino from China dated December 26, 1987. It discusses relations between China and USSR, China’s position on Cambodia and the missile treaty.

Document 45:?

This document - received by the Direction of the PCI on July 7th 1988- is a report on the visit to China of a PCI delegation to China from June 7 to 20, 1988. According to the author, Sandro Morelli, the Chinese expressed their satisfaction with the progress of 诲é迟别苍迟别 and that relations with the USSR had improved. The main concerns regarded the reform of prices and salaries and the need to accelerate the “urban reform.”

Document 46:?

Introduced by a cover letter by Antonio Rubbi dated November 8, 1988, this is a report by Lina Tamburrino from China. According Tamburrino, there was a growing divide between the CCP and public opinion, in particular due to rising inflation.

Document 47:?

This document dated May 29, 1989, is a statement by the Italian Communist Party in which it expresses solidarity for Chinese students, workers and popular forces who are demanding greater democracy.

?

[1] Guido Samarani, “Italy’s Communist Party and People’s China (’50s-Early ’60s),” in?Roads to Reconciliation People’s Republic of China, Western Europe and Italy During the Cold War Period (1949-1971), by Guido Samarani, Carla Meneguzzi Rostagni, and Sofia Graziani, vol. 5, Sinica Venetiana (Venice: Edizioni Ca’?Foscari, 2018), 159–76, https://doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-220-8/007.

[2]?Silvio Pons,?I comunisti italiani e gli altri: Visioni e legami internazionali nel mondo del Novecento (Einaudi, 2021), 196–201.

[3] Alexander H?bel, “Il Pci Nella Crisi Del Movimento Comunista Internazionale Tra Pcus e Pcc (1960-1964),”?Studi Storici 46, no. 2 (2005): 515–72.

[4] The editorial, “The Differences Between Comrade Togliatti and Us”, was originally published in?People’s Daily on December 31, 1962. It was later translated and republished in?Peking Review?no.1 on January 4, 1963.

[5] Togliatti’s response to the criticism from the CCP, “Riconduciamo la discussione ai suoi termini reali,” was published in?Rinascita on January 12, 1963. The second Chinese editorial against Togliatti, “More on the Differences Between Comrade Togliatti and US”, was originally published in?Red Flag?(红旗, Hongqi) and was translated and republished in?Peking Review?no. 10-11 on March 15, 1963.

[6] Sandro Bordone, “Il Contrasto Sino-Sovietico E La Polemica Tra Pci E Pcc,”?Il Politico 44, no. 2 (1979): 282–315; H?bel, “Il Pci Nella Crisi Del Movimento Comunista Internazionale Tra Pcus e Pcc (1960-1964).”

[7] Sandro Bordone, “Il Pci E La Crisi Cinese (1969-1977),”?Il Politico 47, no. 3 (1982): 561–600.

[8] Carlotta Clivio, “Neither for, nor against Mao: PCI-CCP Interactions and the Normalisation of Sino-Italian Relations, 1966–71,”?Cold War History 19, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 383–400, https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1529758.

[9] Silvio Pons,?The Global Revolution: A History of International Communism, 1917-1991, trans. Allan Cameron, 1st ed., Oxford Studies in Modern European History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 259–62; Bogdan ?ivkovi?, “In Quest of a New International Communist Alliance: The Yugoslav Mediation in the Renewal of Relations between the Communist Parties of Italy and China (1977-1979),” in?Iconografie europee, ed.?Walter Montanari and Shirin Zakeri, Quaderni del dottorato in storia d’Europa (Roma: Edizioni Nuova cultura, 2021), 288–89; Guido Samarani and Sofia Graziani, La Cina rossa.?Storia del Partito comunista cinese, (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2023), 211-215.

[10] ?ivkovi?, “In Quest of a New International Communist Alliance: The Yugoslav Mediation in the Renewal of Relations between the Communist Parties of Italy and China (1977-1979).”

[11] For more on Antonio Rubbi, who would be in charge of managing relations with CCP until the dissolution of the PCI in 1991, see his book:?Appunti cinesi (Editori Riuniti, 1992).?

[12] Enrico Fardella. “A Significant Periphery of the Cold War: Italy-China Bilateral Relations, 1949–1989.”?Cold War History 17, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 181–97,?https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2015.1093847.

[13] Pons,?I comunisti italiani e gli altri, 274.

[14] Pons,?I comunisti italiani e gli altri, 285.

[15] Rubbi, Appunti Cinesi, 238, 253.