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Kazan: In Search of a Recipe for Its Melting Pot

Liliya Karimova
Kazan: In Search of a Recipe for Its Melting Pot

A group of tourists are listening to a local tour guide in front of the Kul Sharif Mosque located inside the Kazan Kremlin. Photo courtesy Ainaz Lenina.

Kazan, Russia, has a rich history dating back to centuries before the Russian conquest in the 1550s. This history combines early pre-Islamic elements, a Muslim heritage that began with the conversion to Islam around the eight century, and features from the post-conquest period when Kazan was part of the Russian Empire. Before the conquest, Kazan was the capital of the Kazan Khanate and a multi-ethnic city. Today the city鈥檚 ethnic makeup is dominated by Russians and Volga Tatars in nearly equal proportions (about 48 percent and 47 percent, respectively). In post-Soviet times, Kazan has been hyped as a 鈥淩ussian version of Istanbul鈥攚here聽鈥. The city has been vying to become Russia鈥檚 third capital, after Moscow and St. Petersburg, and has been trying to position itself in both Russia鈥檚 past and its present. More fundamentally, the Tatars view Kazan as their historical homeland and as a modern cultural center. As such, post-Soviet Kazan symbolizes the Tatars鈥 quest for an identity that is rooted in the pre-Soviet, Muslim past yet forward-looking in embracing post-Soviet modernity. The former is evident in the multiple mosques, Muslim educational institutions, and Muslim-oriented specialty stores that have sprung up across the city over the past twenty years, the latter in attempts to integrate Kazan into some global trends, such as sports and tourism. Present-day Kazan is a reflection of these efforts.

The Tatars鈥 desire to cultivate an identity that is grounded in their Muslim past yet definitively modern is not entirely new. In the nineteenth century, Tatar intellectuals and reformers, known as Jadids, sought to reconcile Islamic and Western scholarship in an attempt to navigate their unique position as Muslims within and beyond the Russian Empire. Without rejecting Islam, the Jadids emphasized the need for critical thinking, and in so doing they not only transformed the learning process but also developed a kind of cosmopolitan Islam that many Tatars are proud of today.

Much of the Tatar intellectual and cultural heritage, including that of the Jadids, was lost in the Soviet era as a result of the official state policy of atheism. Out of a dozen mosques functioning in Kazan before the revolution, only one intermittently functioned in Kazan up to 1988鈥攖he Marjani Mosque founded in 1766 by a decree of Catherine the Great. Two mosques were destroyed; others were repurposed. With the Russian language dominant in its streets, Soviet Kazan could hardly claim to be a bustling Tatar cultural center. Whatever Tatar ethnic or religious elements existed in the city carried little political significance. Even the Kazan Kremlin, the heart of the city, was viewed chiefly as the place where the Soviet republic鈥檚 government was located. Looking at Kazan of the 1980s, one would hardly be aware of the cultural revival fostered by the Jadids. In fact, in the 1980s Kazan was probably better known for its聽聽local street gangs that shook up the city and challenged the existing (Soviet) social order.

It was only after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the ensuing quest for greater independence by its former republics that the city鈥檚 character began to change as the Tatars embarked on a search for an identity that would combine their Muslim past with their aspirations for future stability, economic prosperity, and greater freedom from Moscow. In the early 1990s, Tatar activists, intelligentsia, and youth regularly gathered in Kazan鈥檚 Freedom Square, where Tatarstan鈥檚 Parliament and the Opera and Ballet Theater are located, to demand greater independence from Moscow. The 1992 referendum on the republic鈥檚 sovereignty enabled the regional government to defend Tatarstan鈥檚 special status in Russia. Unlike other predominantly Muslim regions, the prosperous and oil-rich republic was touted for its successful and peaceful negotiations with Moscow. Kazan鈥檚 character reflected these political transformations.

The Tatars鈥 quest for ethnoreligious revival at the grassroots level literally spilled into Kazan streets. One of the symbols of the Tatar identity, the Mukhammadiya medrese in the Old Tatar settlement of Kazan, was the subject of much controversy in the 1990s. After continuing protests the building, which had housed a publishing house under the Soviets, was finally returned to the medrese in 1998. The city鈥檚 old mosques also began opening their doors, and new mosques were built. The most striking example of the latter is the Kul-Sharif Mosque, whose (re)construction within the walls of the Kazan Kremlin began in 1996. Named after a Tatar imam, statesman, and poet who served there, the original mosque was destroyed during the 1552 siege of Kazan, and Kul Sharif was killed in the battle. The (re)construction of the mosque鈥攐ne of the largest in Russia and Europe鈥攚ithin the walls of the Kazan Kremlin allowed the Tatarstani government to reclaim its power with respect to Moscow in a symbolic way, while garnering popular support among ordinary Tatars. The mosque opened its doors in 2005 to mark the millennial anniversary of Kazan.

The Tatars鈥 rediscovery of history was not a return to the past but an attempt to combine their pre-Islamic, Muslim, and pre-Soviet heritage with economic progress and global trends such as tourism and sports, trends that would also be welcomed by and attractive to non-Tatars. Thus Kazan鈥檚 anniversary was embraced by the city鈥檚 and the republic鈥檚 officials as an opportunity to make Kazan a cosmopolitan symbol of prosperity and success within Russia. In 2005, a new M-shaped bridge connected the old, historical part of Kazan with a new residential district; Kazan鈥檚 first metro line also began operating the same year. The Old Tatar settlement of Kazan鈥攁 place where Tatars were resettled after the siege of Kazan, away from the then city center鈥攚as renovated to attract tourists.

Today the city boasts a new airport, an expanded metro system, multiple shopping centers, and a downtown area filled with new architectural designs and numerous tourist attractions, which compete and sometimes clash with the older elements of the city. Kazan鈥檚 tourism industry is booming, and colorful English-language posters inviting tourists to聽聽Kazan can be seen not only in Tatarstan but also in Moscow and elsewhere in Russia.

Kazan has also succeeded in positioning itself as Russia鈥檚 sports capital, a title the city officially received in 2009. The city hosted the 2013聽, the equivalent of the Olympic Games for university athletes; the 2014 World Fencing Championships; and the 2015 World Aquatics Championship. Among other Russian cities, Kazan has recently hosted the聽聽and will host the 2018 FIFA World Cup. Though Tatarstan鈥檚 sovereignty is slowly withering away (an聽聽with Moscow, which gave Tatarstan some bargaining power, expires in July 2017, with little prospect for renewal), being known as Russia鈥檚 sports capital has allowed Kazan to highlight the region鈥檚 significance in a nonconfrontational way, and with financial support from Moscow. However, as Russia struggles to find economic stability while burdened by international sanctions and a recent economic crisis, Moscow鈥檚 financial support for the regions will likely wane. Without it, large-scale projects such as the sporting events in Kazan will be difficult to realize in the future.

Today Kazan鈥檚 residents and officials proudly call聽聽the 鈥淭hird Capital of Russia,鈥 a title granted to Kazan by the Russian Patent Office in 2009. In the course of a day, a visitor to Kazan can easily spot mosques alongside Orthodox cathedrals, Muslim restaurants and fashion stores, as well as new shopping malls, entertainment centers, and brand-new sports facilities. This bricolage of pre-Soviet past and post-Soviet modernity reflects the Tatars鈥 search for identity and a better future. It remains to be seen whether and to what extent Kazan can continue capitalizing on its rich history while balancing its residents鈥 forward-looking ambition for a prosperous future within Russia, as expressed through development projects that symbolize Western modernity.

Thanks to Audrey Altstadt for her comments on an earlier draft of this article.

About the Author

Liliya Karimova

Liliya Karimova

Former Title VIII Research Scholar;
Professorial Lecturer, Department of Organizational Sciences and Communication, the George Washington University
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Kennan Institute

The Kennan Institute is the premier US center for advanced research on Eurasia and the oldest and largest regional program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. The Kennan Institute is committed to improving American understanding of Russia, Ukraine, Central Asia, the South Caucasus, and the surrounding region though research and exchange.  Read more