澳门六合彩

This interview is also available in Portuguese, following the English version below / A entrevista est谩 dispon铆vel em portugu锚s, sob a vers茫o em ingl锚s. (Click here/Clique aqui.)

Luiz Henrique Eloy Amado, or Eloy Terena, as he is known, is a lawyer, researcher, and Indigenous land rights activist. From the Terena People, Eloy is a native of Ipegue village in Mato Grosso do Sul. He holds a doctorate in Social Anthropology from the National Museum (UFRJ), and a doctorate in Sociology and Law from the Fluminense Federal University (UFF). He conducted a postdoctoral research internship at Brandon University in Canada, focusing on territorial conflicts. Currently, Eloy is conducting a postdoctoral fellowship at the Interdisciplinary Institute of Social Issues (IRIS) at the School of Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (EHESS) in Paris, France. He also serves as a legal advisor to the Brazilian Indigenous peoples Association (APIB).听

The following conversation has been condensed and edited for clarity. The views and opinions expressed below are the interviewee's own, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Brazil Institute or 澳门六合彩.

You are part of a generation of Indigenous youth that had access to higher education. How does your background in law support your mission in defending the interests of Brazil鈥檚 Indigenous peoples? What is your message to other Indigenous teenagers that want to leave their communities to pursue higher education?

To be honest, I sometimes find myself reflecting on how everything happened in my life. I was born and raised in Ipegue village; I never dreamt that I would one day leave my village, much less become a lawyer. Since I was very young, my grandmother Julieta Antonio Pio would say that education is everything, though even she could not have imagined where it would take me. The general perception within the village was to study until eighth grade, so you could get a job that didn鈥檛 involve harvesting sugarcane in Mato Grosso do Sul or submitting to hard labor on the region鈥檚 farms.听听

At the time, the village only offered up to fourth grade. Anyone who wanted to continue their education had to leave the village. When I finished fourth grade, I had three options: go work on the farms in the region, cut sugarcane at the mills, or continue to study. It was very tough because my family did not have much financial means. It was only the sons of the caciques (chiefs) or those with relatives and friends in the city that had a chance to go to the city, and that was not my case. It was at that moment that I relied on the decisiveness of my mother Zenir Eloy, who was already a single mother raising myself and my three sisters (Val Eloy, Simone Eloy, and Claucin茅ia Eloy).

My mom decided to go work as a maid in the city of Campo Grande, living in her employer鈥檚 house. After a year, she returned to the village to take us to study in the city. In Campo Grande, my mom always insisted that I dedicate myself to my studies. At one point, she even worked three different jobs at the same time. I successfully completed middle school through the public school system, and in 2004, I took an entrance exam for law school at the State University of Mato Grosso do Sul (UEMS), competing for an Indigenous quota spot [1].听

While studying in university, I never forgot my roots. I found myself looking to get more involved with the problems confronted by the communities in Mato Grosso do Sul, and it was then that I realized just how much Indigenous peoples needed legal advice regarding land claims. Starting then, even while a student, I began [organizing] legal training workshops for Indigenous leaders; and after graduating, I started practicing as a lawyer working on demarcation proceedings for Indigenous lands. First, in Mato Grosso do Sul and later before the Brazilian Supreme Court and internationally.

My message to Indigenous youth is that Western education is an instrument that we can use to make our demands possible. It allows for our voice to be heard by other people. It also provides an opportunity to critically reflect on the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples in order to overcome internal colonialism, break barriers, and empower ourselves to determine our own story.听

In the legal area, you work heavily with Indigenous land demarcation. Why is the topic of demarcation so important to the Indigenous population? Can you talk a little bit about your work in 2017 and the marco temporal legal concept [2]?

Indigenous peoples are affected by various social problems, racism, lack of health and education assistance, high rates of suicide, and child malnutrition in some regions. In our perspective, all of those problems are related to lack of territory, since the dignity of the Indigenous person stems mostly from their territories鈥攖heir existential foundation.听

In 2017, as a legal advisor to the Articula莽茫o dos Povos Ind铆genas do Brasil (Brazilian Indigenous peoples Association, or APIB), we started a campaign called 鈥淣ossa Hist贸ria N茫o Come莽a em 88鈥� (Our History Didn鈥檛 Begin in 鈥�88). This campaign is a counterpoint to the legal thesis known as the marco temporal, which is under discussion in the Supreme Court. For those who are adherents of this legal orientation, the Brazilian Constitution would only recognize Indigenous lands that were occupied as of October 5, 1988, the date of the promulgation of the Constitution.听

In August of 2017, the Supreme Court added three cases to the trial agenda that would address the rights of Indigenous peoples: two referencing lands in Mato Grosso and another referencing the land of the Kaigang people. In response, we launched the campaign to raise awareness among the Justices of the precepts of the Constitutional Charter, which recognized the original right of Indigenous peoples and did not impose any sort of precondition or temporal mark. The campaign involved a series of activities including seminars at law schools such as the University of Brasilia (UnB), the University of S茫o Paulo (USP), the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio), and the Fluminense Federal University (UFF) among others; trips by Indigenous leaders to Brasilia, and a visit to the offices of the Supreme Court justices.

On the day of the trial, the lawsuit of the Kaigang people, which would have challenged the marco temporal thesis, was removed from the agenda and only the two cases regarding the lands located in Mato Grosso were heard. While neither case dealt directly with the marco temporal thesis, the Supreme Court reaffirmed the adoption of the 鈥榯heory of indigenato鈥� by way of the Constitution, that is, that the rights of Indigenous peoples are original and that the 1988 Constitution was not the first to recognize that guarantee. On the contrary, since the Royal Letters of the Brazilian Colony, the Brazilian State has been legislating to guarantee Indigenous peoples the possession and the enjoyment of Indigenous peoples their territories. This was an important ruling in which the Supreme Court signaled that the marco temporal thesis was not going to be upheld, although a final statement on the judgment is still missing.听

Since 2009, you have been conducting community workshops focused on legal education, which address topics related to the Indigenous movement at the national level. What have been the results of these workshops? Do you intend to continue them?

The rights of Indigenous peoples are not addressed in the law school curriculum, therefore, it requires an individual effort to obtain that information. In my case, during graduate school, I had the opportunity to participate in an extension course on Indigenous rights, held under the program 鈥淜nowledge Network Program: the permanency of Indigenous peoples in higher education,鈥� created for Indigenous law students. Upon completion of this course, our mission was to return to our communities and to offer workshops for our caciques, as well as women and youth leaders. It is astounding how much these communities are in need of information about their rights. The workshops--which were first carried out in the villages of Mato Grosso do Sul with the Terena and Guarani Kaiow谩 peoples; then in other regions of Brazil, with the Cinta Larga people and the Arara in Mato Grosso; and then the Tiriy贸, Apalai, Kaxuiyana and Wayana in Par谩--are spaces for critically reframing Rights from the Indigenous standpoint, prioritizing dialectical argumentation from the Indigenous worldview.听

The workshops are legitimate instruments for the Indigenous struggle, since the moment that Indigenous leadership obtains knowledge of their rights, they immediately rearticulate those legal arguments in their political practices. I believe that these workshops constitute real instruments capable of awakening Indigenous peoples to their rights and qualifying the Indigenous fight within the legal and political field.听

Can you speak about your involvement with the Articula莽茫o dos Povos Ind铆genas do Brasil (Articulation of the Indigenous peoples of Brazil, or APIB) and the Coordena莽茫o das Organiza莽玫es Ind铆genas da Amaz么nia Brasileira (Coordination of Indigenous Organization from the Brazilian Amazon, or C.O.I.A.B.)? How do these organizations work to change politics and public opinion, in support of their missions?

The Articulation of the Indigenous peoples of Brazil (APIB) is formed up of Indigenous regional organizations which are: the Coordination for Indigenous Organizations in the Brazilian Amazon, (COIAB), the Articulation of the Indigenous peoples in the Northeast, Minas Gerais, and Esp铆rito Santo (APOINME), the Articulation of Indigenous peoples of the Southeast (ARPINSUDESTE), the Articulation of the Indigenous peoples of the South (ARPINSUL), the Guarani Yvyrup谩 Commission, and the Council of the Terena and Aty Guasu Kaiow谩 Guarani peoples.

In 2012, I started advocating for the Terena and Aty Guasu Council, focusing on cases in Mato Grosso do Sul, given the intense territorial conflicts in the region and the growing judicialization of the Indigenous land demarcation process, a phenomenon that is continuously growing. In 2016 I was invited to work in Brasilia as a legal advisor for APIB, now working on the Indigenous national agenda, notably in the Supreme Court hearings and the legislative proposals in process at the National Congress. It was within this context that I grew close to COIAB鈥檚 Indigenous leadership because I was involved in several of the legal demands regarding the interests of Indigenous peoples in the Amazon, such as the right to prior, free, and informed consent, restated in Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (ILO), and [I was] following issues related to mining in Indigenous lands and the constant threats perpetrated against Indigenous peoples in voluntary isolation.听

Both APIB and COIAB are Indigenous organizations that have a common mission to defend the rights and interests of Indigenous peoples. And, [in order] to talk about Indigenous peoples rights, [you] have to talk about their territory and their due protection. There is no doubt that land is essential for Indigenous peoples; actually, it isn鈥檛 possible to think of Indigenous peoples without land. However, over these last couple of years, we have been promoting a very clear message to everyone: 鈥渄emarcating Indigenous lands does not only benefit the Indigenous! Demarcating Indigenous land is good for all of humanity!鈥� It is proven that Indigenous territories are more preserved since Indigenous peoples protect with their own life the richness and diversity of life, contributing even to environmental equilibrium and for that reason, contributing to the well-being of all of humanity.听

In Brazil, this perspective is clear when you look at the constitutional treatment given to Indigenous lands. These spaces have at least triple constitutional ruling because it is a good of the union, and so it is a public good. They [these spaces] serve as protection for the traditional way of life of these peoples and in turn protect the environment. For that reason, we have been working so hard to bring this message into the consciousness of society.

Part of your work now deals with defending the rights of Indigenous peoples in Brazil through meetings and lectures (now virtual) with international actors. What are the advantages of engaging with international companies and organizations, and not only Brazilian?

Since 2015 we have been doing what we like to call 鈥渋nternational influence,鈥� occupying international spaces to talk about what is happening with Indigenous peoples in Brazil. In May of 2019, for example, I participated in a BlackRock shareholders meeting and our objective was to alert them of the risks of their investments in our communities. BlackRock is one of the main funds investing in Brazilian agribusiness. During the meeting, a report was presented to the shareholders, highlighting very high profits and I went there to talk about other numbers, such as the increase in deforestation caused by growing agribusiness, the number of Indigenous leaders killed as a result of land conflict; in the end, they are also responsible for all of these things that are happening in Brazil. Our message was clear: 鈥渨e are not against development, but it is necessary to respect the rights of Indigenous peoples and the environment, or else not even your grandchildren will have a guaranteed future.鈥� One of our demands called for the implementation of internal control instruments to determine where these funds are being invested since we cannot have them continue to fund Brazilian companies that do not respect the environment and/or operate in areas recognized as Indigenous territory. That is a form of advocacy that we are doing internationally.听

There are several challenges facing Brazil鈥檚 Indigenous populations: the proposal of the Marco Temporal, the budget cuts to FUNAI, the fires in the Amazon, and the current government鈥檚 intention to open Indigenous lands for economic activity, such as mining. What are some projects or public policies that you are working on to address these challenges?

We have been carefully following the scenario in Brazil since we have for the first time a president that is openly anti-Indigenous, and a conservative Congress allied with the congressional farm lobby (Frente Parlamentar da Agropecu谩ria) which represents 44 percent of the representatives in the Chamber and the Senate. The Indigenous movement鈥檚 stance continues to be one of resistance towards proposals that are being made without consultation or consent of Indigenous peoples. Our main issue is without a doubt that of demarcation and protection of Indigenous territories, but in this government, we do not have the best prospects. The current Brazilian government understands demarcating Indigenous land as part of an ideological attitude aligned with a particular political ideology other than its own, when in fact it is a constitutional determination, liable even to those who deliberately delay this constitutional command. It is necessary to look at Indigenous peoples and respect their ways of life, their self-determination, and the priorities that each peoples have chosen for themselves.

Within the judicial realm, we are struggling to overcome the legal thesis of the marco temporal, which is an interpretation made by some jurists that restricts the rights of Indigenous peoples. For those who defend this thesis, the Constitution would have applied within a fixed date, that is, it would recognize Indigenous rights to lands that were occupied only as of October 5th, 1988, the date of the Constitution鈥檚 promulgation. When in fact, at no moment does the Constitution state this. There is no place where the Constitution deals with temporal elements, instead [it deals] with requirements regarding tradition, such as how the Indigenous peoples relate to their territory. When Article 231 states that the Indigenous peoples are recognized as having the 鈥渙riginal right over the lands that they traditionally occupy,鈥� it is reaffirming the theory of indigenato, rooted in colonial legislation that recognized the Indigenous as the 鈥渘atural masters of their lands.鈥� The truth is that many people know about the rights of the Indigenous peoples but they use this argument [of the marco temporal] to legitimize the seizure of Indigenous territories with a clear racist attitude (and in this case, one of socio-environmental racism) that finds fertile ground within the field of law to give rise to interpretations that benefit economic interests to the detriment of the country鈥檚 ethnic minorities.听听听听

Looking forward, what is the best way to protect and preserve Indigenous rights in Brazil?

Throughout history, Indigenous peoples have demonstrated a profound capacity for qualified resistance. I call it qualified resistance to underscore the contrast with a passive situation where your rights are continuously violated and no action is taken. On the contrary, Indigenous peoples, through their leadership and their own organizations, have created instruments during various historical situations to confront these attacks that in large part come from the State,听 which should be defending the interests of these original peoples. In each context, leaders have appropriated symbols, languages, and instruments that at many times are considered strange to the Indigenous culture to implement their institutional projects. That is right, the Indigenous peoples have their own projects, their own ways of seeing and understanding the world around them, and depending on the relationship that is established, they can or cannot use certain strategies.

For that reason, we have to pay a lot of attention to the qualified resistance of the Brazilian Indigenous movement. I have noticed a lot of commentary on social media stating that 鈥淚ndigenous [rights] are a political maneuver used by the left-wing,鈥� or that 鈥淚ndigenous peoples听 were corrupted by Marxist ideology,鈥� and some people even question 鈥渨here were these Indigenous groups during the Lula and Dilma governments?鈥� These comments reveal that people know little to nothing about Indigenous peoples, for Indigenous leaders have always been there in the political sphere defending their rights. And as dark as the moment is, it is not yet the 鈥渆nd of the Indigenous peoples,鈥� as some seem to believe.听听

Indigenous issues have been at the center of Brazilian political discussion and in the international sphere, not by chance: Indigenous peoples and territories are living barriers to the development model adopted in Brazil, where profit is prioritized above everything. I remember the Guarani Kaiow谩 leader, Anastacio Perlata, who during the Dilma government had already denounced that an ox was worth more than an Indigenous child in Mato Grosso do Sul. The clashes over Indigenous rights have gained ground because, for the first time in the post re-democratization period, we have a president who is openly anti-Indigenous, who during his electoral campaign committed to not demarcating a centimeter of Indigenous or quilombola land. As if the demarcation of Indigenous land was a political benevolence and not a constitutional right. Many people do not understand the importance that these territories have, not only for Indigenous peoples but also for humanity. Indigenous territories are the most protected areas and are responsible for environmental balance, for the protection of biodiversity, for the protection of rivers and lakes, and for that reason, these vital spaces are not only for the people who inhabit them, but also, above all, for those who live in large urban centers.听

I have said in many instances that Indigenous peoples have a lot to teach 鈥渨hite people.鈥� The quality of resistance that developed over centuries of genocide is an important observation for any society that seeks to consolidate itself as an enduring organism within the moment in which we live.听 Thus, reconciling the political, social, and economic factors--when the guiding light of these principles are beyond our physical orbit and follow hierarchic commands that often only the Indigenous are capable of understanding and transiting between these two worlds--can be translated into the path of learning that Indigenous peoples have to offer to us all.听

[1]听In 2012, Law 12.711, also known as the 鈥淨uota Law,鈥� passed, obliging federal higher education institutions to reserve spots for Indigenous peoples who have studied in public schools. According to the law, the number of places reserved for Indigenous peoples must be proportional to the number of people of a certain ethnicity residing in the state where the university campus is located.听

[2]听The concept of the marco temporal creates an arbitrary cut-off date for land claims, stating that Indigenous peoples only have the legal right to claim traditionally-held territory that they were physically occupying as of October 5, 1988: the date that the most recent federal Constitution was approved. The marco temporal was first adopted by the Supreme Federal Court (STF) in 2009 over boundaries for the Raposa/Serra do Sol Indigenous reserve in Roraima. Most recently, in 2017, former Brazilian president Michel Temer approved an Attorney General鈥檚 office recommendation with this legal thesis.听

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Entrevista com Dr. Eloy Terena, advogado e ativista pelos direitos听ind铆genas

Luiz Henrique Eloy Amado, tamb茅m conhecido como Eloy Terena, 茅 advogado, pesquisador e ativista pelos direitos ind铆genas. Membro da tribo Terena, Eloy 茅 origin谩rio da Aldeia Ipegue, Mato Grosso do Sul e possui um doutorado em Antropologia Social pelo Museu Nacional (UFRJ) e outro em Sociologia e Direito pela Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF). Conduziu sua pesquisa p贸s-doutoral na Brandon University, no Canad谩, com foco em conflitos territoriais. Atualmente faz p贸s-doutorado no Instituto de Pesquisa Interdisciplinar em Quest玫es Sociais (IRIS), da Escola de Estudos Avan莽ados em Ci锚ncias Sociais, em Paris, Fran莽a.

A conversa a seguir foi condensada e editada para maior clareza. Os pontos de vista e opini玫es expressos a seguir s茫o do pr贸prio entrevistado e n茫o refletem necessariamente os pontos de vista do Brazil Institute ou do Wilson Center.

Voc锚 faz parte de uma gera莽茫o de jovens ind铆genas que teve acesso ao ensino superior. Como sua forma莽茫o em Direito ajuda sua miss茫o de defender os interesses dos povos ind铆genas no Brasil? E qual sua mensagem para outros jovens ind铆genas que querem sair de suas comunidades para estudar na universidade?

Para ser sincero, 脿s vezes fico refletindo comigo mesmo como tudo isso foi acontecendo em minha vida. Nasci e cresci na aldeia Ipegue, nunca imaginei que um dia sairia da aldeia. Sequer passou pela minha cabe莽a virar advogado. Mas desde muito cedo, minha av贸 Julieta Antonio Pio dizia que educa莽茫o era tudo, embora, nem ela mesmo poderia imaginar onde isso chegaria. A percep莽茫o dentro da aldeia era estudar at茅 a oitava s茅rie para buscar um emprego que n茫o fosse cortar cana nas usinas de Mato Grosso do Sul ou se submeter ao trabalho pesado nas fazendas da regi茫o.

Naquela 茅poca, na aldeia s贸 tinha at茅 a 4陋 s茅rie. Portanto, quem quisesse continuar estudando teria que sair da comunidade. Quando terminei a quarta s茅rie, tive tr锚s op莽玫es: ou ir trabalhar nas fazendas da regi茫o, ou ir cortar cana nas usinas ou continuar estudando. Era muito dif铆cil, pois minha fam铆lia n茫o tinha condi莽玫es. Somente quem era filho de cacique ou quem tivesse conhecidos e familiares na cidade tinha chance de ir para a cidade, e n茫o era o meu caso. Foi a铆 que contei com a atitude decisiva por parte de minha m茫e, Zenir Eloy, que naquela altura j谩 era m茫e solteira e acabou criando-me e minhas tr锚s irm茫s sozinha (Val Eloy, Simone Eloy e Glaucin茅ia Eloy).听

Minha m茫e decidiu trabalhar como faxineira na cidade de Campo Grande, morando na respectiva casa de fam铆lia. Ap贸s um ano,听 voltou para a aldeia para nos buscar para estudar na cidade. Em Campo Grande, minha m茫e sempre fez quest茫o que eu me dedicasse aos estudos, chegou a trabalhar como diarista em tr锚s empregos ao mesmo tempo. Conclu铆 com 锚xito o ensino fundamental na escola p煤blica e em 2004 prestei vestibular para o curso de direito na Universidade Estadual de Mato Grosso do Sul (UEMS), concorrendo pela vaga de cotista ind铆gena [1].听

Mesmo estudando na universidade, nunca me afastei da minha raiz. Procurei cada vez mais me envolver com os problemas enfrentados pelas comunidades no Mato Grosso do Sul e foi a铆 que me dei conta de como os povos ind铆genas precisavam de uma assessoria jur铆dica voltada para as demandas ind铆genas. E desde ent茫o, ainda como acad锚mico, iniciei oficinas de forma莽茫o jur铆dica para lideran莽as ind铆genas e ap贸s formado, comecei atuar como advogado nas a莽玫es de demarca莽茫o de terras ind铆genas. Num primeiro momento no Mato Grosso do Sul e posteriormente em a莽玫es no Supremo Tribunal Federal e inst芒ncias Internacionais.听

Meu recado para os jovens ind铆genas 茅 de que a educa莽茫o ocidental 茅 um instrumento que podemos nos valer para viabilizar as nossas demandas. Ela proporciona que nossa voz seja ouvida por outras pessoas. Mas tamb茅m oportuniza refletir criticamente sobre os desafios postos aos povos ind铆genas para superar o colonialismo interno, romper barreiras e assumir o protagonismo de nossa pr贸pria hist贸ria.听 听 听 听听听听听

Na 谩rea jur铆dica, voc锚 trabalha muito com a quest茫o da demarca莽茫o de terras ind铆genas. Por que a demarca莽茫o 茅 importante para os povos ind铆genas? Pode falar um pouco sobre o seu trabalho em 2017 contra o marco temporal [2]?听

Os povos ind铆genas s茫o assolados com v谩rios problemas sociais, racismo, desassist锚ncia a sa煤de e educa莽茫o, alto 铆ndice de suic铆dio e desnutri莽茫o infantil em algumas regi玫es. E em nossa perspectiva, toda essa problem谩tica est谩 relacionada 脿 falta do territ贸rio; notadamente a dignidade da pessoa ind铆gena s贸 se aperfei莽oa a partir de seus territ贸rios, sua base existencial. Em 2017, j谩 como assessor jur铆dico da Articula莽茫o dos Povos Ind铆genas do Brasil (APIB), iniciamos a campanha denominada 鈥渘ossa hist贸ria n茫o come莽a em 88鈥�. Esta campanha 茅 um contraponto 脿 tese jur铆dica que est谩 em discuss茫o no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) denominada 鈥渕arco temporal鈥�. Para aqueles que s茫o adeptos dessa orienta莽茫o jur铆dica, a Constitui莽茫o s贸 teria reconhecido aos 铆ndios as terras que estes estivessem ocupando no dia 05 de outubro de 1988, a data da promulga莽茫o da Constitui莽茫o. Assim, em agosto de 2017, o STF colocou na pauta de julgamento tr锚s processos que iriam tratar dos direitos dos povos ind铆genas, dois referentes 脿s terras no Mato Grosso e um referente 脿 terra do povo Kaigang. Diante disso, lan莽amos esta campanha no sentido de sensibilizar os ministros para o que preceitua a Carta Constitucional que reconheceu o direito origin谩rio dos povos ind铆genas, n茫o impondo nenhum tipo de relativiza莽茫o e at茅 mesmo marco delimitador no tempo. A campanha envolveu atividades como semin谩rios nas faculdades de direito das universidades como UnB, USP, PUC-Rio, UFF, dentre outras; o deslocamento de lideran莽as ind铆genas para Bras铆lia e a visita aos gabinetes dos ministros do Supremo.

No dia do julgamento, o processo do povo Kaigang que enfrentaria a tese do marco temporal foi retirada de pauta, sendo julgadas apenas as duas a莽玫es referentes a terras localizadas no Mato Grosso. Ambas n茫o tratavam diretamente da tese do marco temporal, mas tangencialmente o plen谩rio do Supremo reafirmou ado莽茫o pela Constitui莽茫o da teoria do indigenato, ou seja, que os direitos dos povos ind铆genas s茫o origin谩rios e que a Constitui莽茫o Federal de 88 n茫o foi a primeira a reconhecer essa garantia. Pelo contr谩rio, desde as Cartas R茅gias do Brasil Col么nia, o Estado brasileiro vem legislando no sentido de garantir a posse e o usufruto dos povos ind铆genas nos seus territ贸rios. Este foi um julgamento importante, onde o Supremo sinalizou que a tese do marco temporal n茫o ir谩 se consolidar, muito embora, ainda falta um pronunciamento final sobre o tema.听听听听听听

Desde 2009, voc锚 tem realizado oficinas nas comunidades, voltadas 脿 forma莽茫o jur铆dica, que abordam temas do movimento ind铆gena a n铆vel nacional. Quais foram os resultados dessas oficinas? Voc锚 pretende continuar a realiz谩-las?

Os direitos dos povos ind铆genas n茫o s茫o tratados nos bancos das faculdades de direito, por isso, requer um esfor莽o individual para buscar essas informa莽玫es. No meu caso, durante a gradua莽茫o, tive a oportunidade de participar de um curso de extens茫o sobre direito indigenista no 芒mbito do 鈥淧rograma Rede de Saberes: perman锚ncia de ind铆genas no ensino superior鈥�, voltado para acad锚micos ind铆genas do direito. Ap贸s a conclus茫o do curso, nossa miss茫o era voltar para nossas comunidades e oferecer oficinas para nossos caciques, l铆deres mulheres e jovens. 脡 impressionante como as comunidades est茫o carentes de informa莽玫es sobre seus direitos.听

As oficinas - que num primeiro momento foram realizadas nas aldeias de Mato Grosso do Sul, com os povos Terena e Guarani Kaiow谩, e depois em outras regi玫es do Brasil, como os povos Cinta Larga e Arara no Mato Grosso e os povos Tiriy贸, Apalai, Kaxuiyana e Wayana no Par谩 - s茫o espa莽os para reflex茫o cr铆tica do direito pensando a partir da l贸gica ind铆gena, favorecendo assim, uma argumenta莽茫o dial茅tica a partir da cosmovis茫o ind铆gena. Mas as oficinas s茫o instrumentos legitimadores da luta ind铆gena, pois a partir do momento que as lideran莽as ind铆genas se apropriam do conhecimento de quais s茫o seus direitos, imediatamente elas rearticulam os argumentos jur铆dicos em suas pr谩ticas pol铆ticas. Acredito que as oficinas se constituem em verdadeiros instrumentos capazes de despertar os povos ind铆genas para os seus direitos e qualificar a luta ind铆gena no campo jur铆dico e pol铆tico.听听听听听

Pode falar um pouco sobre o seu envolvimento com a Articula莽茫o dos Povos Ind铆genas do Brasil (APIB) e a Coordena莽茫o das Organiza莽玫es Ind铆genas da Amaz么nia Brasileira (C.O.I.A.B.)? Como essas organiza莽玫es trabalham para mudar pol铆ticas e opini玫es, em apoio 脿s suas miss玫es?

A APIB 茅 formada pelas organiza莽玫es ind铆genas de cunho regional, quais sejam: Coordena莽茫o das Organiza莽玫es Ind铆genas da Amaz么nia Brasileira (COIAB), Articula莽茫o dos Povos e Organiza莽玫es Ind铆genas do Nordeste, Minas Gerais e Esp铆rito Santo (APOINME), Articula莽茫o dos Povos Ind铆genas do Sudeste (ARPINSUDESTE), Articula莽茫o dos Povos Ind铆genas do Sul (ARPINSUL), Comiss茫o Guarani YvyRup谩 (CGY), Conselho do Povo Terena e Aty Guasu Kaiow谩 Guarani. Em 2012, eu comecei a advogar para o Conselho Terena e Aty Guasu, com foco em processos no Mato Grosso do Sul dado os intensos conflitos territoriais na regi茫o e a crescente judicializa莽茫o do processo de demarca莽茫o de terra ind铆gena, um fen么meno que se observa cada vez mais crescente. A partir de 2016, fui convidado para trabalhar em Bras铆lia e ser assessor jur铆dico da APIB, agora acompanhando a pauta ind铆gena nacional, notadamente dos processos no STF e as proposi莽玫es legislativas em tr芒mite no Congresso Nacional. Foi neste contexto que me aproximei das lideran莽as ind铆genas da COIAB, pois me envolvi muito com as demandas jur铆dicas envolvendo os interesses dos povos da Amaz么nia, tais como o direito 脿 consulta e consentimento pr茅vio, livre e informado preceituado na Conven莽茫o 169 da OIT (Organiza莽茫o Internacional do Trabalho), e acompanhando temas referente 脿 minera莽茫o em terras ind铆gena e 脿s constantes amea莽as perpetradas contra os povos em isolamento volunt谩rio. Tanto a APIB quanto a COIAB s茫o organiza莽玫es ind铆genas que tem por miss茫o prec铆pua a defesa dos direitos e interesses dos povos ind铆genas. E, falar em direito dos povos ind铆genas requer necessariamente falar do territ贸rio e sua devida prote莽茫o. N茫o h谩 d煤vida que a terra 茅 o bem essencial para os povos, ali谩s, n茫o 茅 poss铆vel pensar em povo ind铆gena sem terra. Entretanto, nos 煤ltimos anos estamos levando uma mensagem muito clara a todas as pessoas: 鈥渄emarcar terra ind铆gena n茫o faz bem apenas para o ind铆gena! Demarcar terra ind铆gena faz bem para toda a humanidade!鈥�. Est谩 comprovado que os territ贸rios ind铆genas s茫o os mais preservados, e portanto, os povos ind铆genas protegem com a pr贸pria vida toda uma riqueza e diversidade da vida, contribuindo inclusive para o equil铆brio clim谩tico, e por isso, contribuindo para o bem-estar de toda a humanidade.听

No Brasil, essa perspectiva fica clara ao olhar para o tratamento constitucional dispensado para as terras ind铆genas. Esses espa莽os possuem pelo menos triplo afeta莽茫o constitucional, pois 茅 bem da Uni茫o, portanto, 茅 um bem p煤blico. Servem de prote莽茫o para o modo tradicional de vida dos povos e por fim, protegem o meio ambiente. Por isso, temos nos empenhado muito em levar essa mensagem consciente a todas as pessoas.听听听

Parte do seu trabalho agora envolve a defesa dos direitos dos povos ind铆genas brasileiros por meio de reuni玫es e palestras (agora virtuais) no exterior. Quais s茫o as vantagens de engajar com empresas e organiza莽玫es internacionais, e n茫o apenas brasileiras?听

Desde 2015, estamos fazendo isso que chamamos de 鈥渋ncid锚ncia internacional鈥�, ocupando espa莽os internacionais para falar do que est谩 se passando com os povos ind铆genas no Brasil. Em maio de 2019 [eu] participei da reuni茫o de acionistas da BlackRock e nosso objetivo era alertar para os riscos dos investimentos que estavam afetando nossas comunidades. A BlackRock 茅 um dos principais fundos que investe no agroneg贸cio brasileiro. Durante a reuni茫o foi apresentado o relat贸rio aos acionistas apontando para lucros muito altos, e eu fui ali para falar de outros n煤meros, tais como o aumento de desmatamento provocado pelo crescente agroneg贸cio, pelo n煤mero de lideran莽as ind铆genas mortas no conflito no campo; enfim, eles s茫o respons谩veis tamb茅m por tudo isso que est谩 acontecendo no Brasil. Nossa mensagem era clara: 鈥渘茫o somos contra o desenvolvimento, mas 茅 preciso respeitar os direitos humanos dos povos ind铆genas e o meio ambiente, sen茫o nem os seus netos ter茫o futuro garantido鈥�. Um dos pedidos apresentados 茅 que esses fundos precisem implementar instrumentos de controle interno que possam averiguar onde o dinheiro est谩 sendo investido, pois n茫o podemos aceitar que os mesmos continuem financiando empresas brasileiras que n茫o respeitem o meio ambiente e/ou que atuem em 谩reas reconhecidas como territ贸rio ind铆gena. Essa 茅 uma forma de advocacy que estamos fazendo tamb茅m no 芒mbito internacional.听听听

Diversos desafios enfrentam a popula莽茫o ind铆gena do Brasil: a proposta do marco temporal, os cortes no or莽amento da FUNAI, as queimadas na Amaz么nia, e a inten莽茫o do atual governo de abrir as terras ind铆genas para atividades econ么micas, como a minera莽茫o. Quais s茫o alguns projetos ou pol铆ticas p煤blicas que voc锚 est谩 trabalhando para abordar esses desafios?听

Temos acompanhado com muita preocupa莽茫o o cen谩rio brasileiro, pois temos pela primeira vez, no per铆odo p贸s redemocratiza莽茫o, um presidente declaradamente anti-ind铆gena e um Congresso com perfil conservador alinhado 脿 pautas da 鈥淔rente Parlamentar da Agropecu谩ria鈥� que representa 44 por cento dos representantes na C芒mara e no Senado. A postura do movimento ind铆gena tem ficado na resist锚ncia ante a tantas proposi莽玫es que est茫o sendo viabilizadas sem consulta e o consentimento dos povos ind铆genas. Nossa principal bandeira 茅 sem d煤vida a demarca莽茫o e prote莽茫o dos territ贸rios ind铆genas, mas neste governo, n茫o temos as melhores perspectivas. O atual governo brasileiro entende que demarcar terra ind铆gena faz parte de uma atitude ideologicamente alinhada 脿 determinada corrente pol铆tica que n茫o a sua, quando na verdade 茅 uma determina莽茫o constitucional, pass铆vel inclusive de responsabiliza莽茫o daqueles que deliberadamente retardam esse mandamento constitucional. 脡 preciso olhar para os povos ind铆genas e respeitar as suas formas de vida, sua autodetermina莽茫o e as prioridades que cada povo elegeu para si.

No 芒mbito do judici谩rio, estamos lutando para superar a tese jur铆dica do marco temporal que 茅 uma interpreta莽茫o feita por alguns juristas que restringe o direito dos povos ind铆genas. Para quem defende essa teoria, a Constitui莽茫o teria trabalhado com data certa, ou seja, reconheceu o direito 脿s terras que os ind铆genas estivessem ocupando no dia 05 de outubro de 1988, data da promulga莽茫o, quando na verdade em nenhum momento a Constitui莽茫o diz isso. Ali谩s, em nenhum momento a Constitui莽茫o trabalha com elementos temporais e sim com requisitos da tradicionalidade, como os ind铆genas se relacionam com seu territ贸rio. Quando o Art. 231 vaticina que s茫o reconhecidos aos povos ind铆genas 鈥渙 direito origin谩rio sobre as terras que tradicionalmente ocupam鈥�, ela est谩 reafirmando a teoria do indigenato que tem ra铆zes na legisla莽茫o colonial que reconheceu os ind铆genas como 鈥渟enhores naturais de suas terras鈥�. Na verdade, muitas pessoas sabem do direito dos povos ind铆genas, mas acionam esse argumento para legitimar o apossamento dos territ贸rios ind铆genas, numa n铆tida atitude racista (e neste caso, racismo socioambiental) que tem no direito um campo f茅rtil para fazer brotar interpreta莽玫es que beneficiam interesses econ么micos em detrimento das minorias 茅tnicas no pa铆s.听听听听听

Olhando para frente, qual 茅 a melhor forma de proteger e preservar os direitos ind铆genas no Brasil?

Ao longo da hist贸ria, os povos ind铆genas t锚m demonstrado uma profunda capacidade de resist锚ncia qualificada. Chamo de resist锚ncia qualificada justamente para fazer contraponto 脿 uma situa莽茫o passiva no sentido de ver o seu direito violado e nenhuma atitude tomar. Pelo contr谩rio, os povos por meio de suas lideran莽as e formas de organiza莽茫o pr贸pria instrumentalizam no decorrer de diversas conjunturas hist贸ricas formas pr贸prias para fazer frente aos ataques, que em grande medida, vieram do pr贸prio Estado, por meio daqueles que deveriam defender os interesses dos povos origin谩rios. Em cada contexto, as lideran莽as se apropriaram de s铆mbolos, linguagens e instrumentos, que muitas vezes s茫o considerados como estranhos 脿 cultura ind铆gena, para implementar seus projetos institucionais. Isso mesmo, os povos ind铆genas t锚m seus pr贸prios projetos, formas pr贸prias de ver e entender o mundo que os cercam, e dependendo da rela莽茫o que se estabelece, eles podem ou n茫o acionar essa ou aquela estrat茅gia.听

Por isso, temos que prestar muita aten莽茫o nessa resist锚ncia qualificada do movimento ind铆gena brasileiro. Tenho acompanhado nas redes sociais muitos coment谩rios afirmando que os 鈥溍璶dios s茫o massa de manobra da esquerda鈥�, ou que 鈥渙s 铆ndios foram cooptados por ideologias marxistas鈥� e at茅 mesmo pessoas que questionam 鈥渙nde estavam esses 铆ndios durante o governo do Lula e Dilma鈥�. Esses coment谩rios revelam que as pessoas sabem muito pouco ou nada sobre os povos ind铆genas, pois as lideran莽as sempre estiveram ali, na arena pol铆tica defendendo seus direitos. E, por mais que o momento seja tenebroso, ainda n茫o ser谩 o 鈥渇inal dos povos ind铆genas鈥�, como alguns parecem acreditar.听

A tem谩tica ind铆gena tem ocupado o centro da discuss茫o na pol铆tica brasileira e nas inst芒ncias internacionais, n茫o por acaso: os povos e territ贸rios ind铆genas s茫o barreiras vivas ao modelo de desenvolvimento adotado no Brasil, onde se coloca o lucro acima de tudo. Lembro do l铆der Guarani Kaiow谩 Anast谩cio Peralta, que no per铆odo do governo Dilma j谩 denunciava que um boi estava valendo mais que uma crian莽a ind铆gena no Mato Grosso do Sul. Mas os embates sobre direito dos povos ind铆genas t锚m ganhado espa莽o tamb茅m porque temos pela primeira vez na hist贸ria do per铆odo p贸s redemocratiza莽茫o um presidente declaradamente anti-ind铆gena, que j谩 em sua campanha eleitoral afirmava que n茫o iria demarcar nenhum cent铆metro de terra ind铆gena e quilombola. Como se demarca莽茫o de terra ind铆gena fosse uma benevol锚ncia pol铆tica e n茫o uma determina莽茫o constitucional. Muitas pessoas n茫o conseguem entender a import芒ncia que esses territ贸rios t锚m para os povos ind铆genas, mas tamb茅m para a humanidade. Os territ贸rios ind铆genas s茫o as 谩reas mais bem protegidas e com isso s茫o respons谩veis pelo equil铆brio clim谩tico, pela prote莽茫o da biodiversidade, pela prote莽茫o dos rios e lagos, e, portanto, s茫o espa莽os vitais n茫o s贸 para os povos que ali habitam, mas sobretudo, para aqueles que vivem inclusive, nos grandes centros urbanos.听

Tenho dito por muitos lugares que os povos ind铆genas t锚m muito a ensinar para os 鈥渂rancos鈥�. A qualidade da resist锚ncia instrumentalizada ao longo dos s茅culos de genoc铆dio 茅 uma observa莽茫o importante a ser feita para qualquer sociedade que busque se consolidar enquanto organismo de perdurabilidade no tempo e espa莽o que vivemos. Pois, lidar com fatores de ordem pol铆tica, social e econ么mica听 - a luz de princ铆pios que est茫o fora da 贸rbita f铆sica e que seguem comandos hier谩rquicos que, na maioria das vezes, somente os ind铆genas s茫o capazes de compreender e transitar entre os dois mundos - pode-se traduzir num caminho de ensinamento que os povos t锚m a nos oferecer.听听听听听

[1]听Em 2012, foi aprovada a Lei 12.711, tamb茅m conhecida como 鈥淟ei de Cotas鈥�, obrigando as institui莽玫es federais de ensino superior a reservar vagas para os povos ind铆genas que estudaram em escolas p煤blicas. De acordo com a lei, o n煤mero de vagas reservadas para ind铆genas deve ser proporcional ao n煤mero de pessoas de uma determinada etnia residentes no estado onde est谩 localizado o campus universit谩rio.

[2]听O conceito de marco temporal cria uma data-limite arbitr谩ria para as reivindica莽玫es de terra, afirmando que os povos ind铆genas s贸 t锚m o direito legal de reivindicar territ贸rios tradicionalmente mantidos que estavam fisicamente ocupando a partir de 5 de outubro de 1988: a data mais recente em que foi听aprovada a constitui莽茫o federal. O marco temporal foi adotado pela primeira vez pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) em 2009 sobre os limites da Reserva Ind铆gena Raposa / Serra do Sol, em Roraima. Mais recentemente, em 2017, o ex-presidente brasileiro Michel Temer aprovou uma recomenda莽茫o do Minist茅rio P煤blico com esta tese jur铆dica.

Image by Ag锚ncia Senado