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Watching Beijing from Berlin

East German and other socialist bloc officials carefully watched any emerging Chinese rapprochement with West European countries and the United States.

Embassy of the GDR in the PR China, 'First Assessment of the Course of the Chinese Leadership 鈥淧reparation for a Scenario of War and a Scenario of Disaster, Everything for the People鈥'
An East German warning from March 1970 claiming that China's efforts to weaken the socialist bloc led by the Soviet Union would ultimately serve the interests of the United States. The United States was already taking advantage, the report suggested, attempting 鈥渢o exploit the Maoist policy for implementation of their own global strategy.鈥

China chose to 鈥渓ean to one side鈥 in the Cold War and join the socialist camp after the 1949 revolution. Numerous Soviets and East Europeans were in China in the 1950s, not just as diplomats and embassy officials but as advisors, teachers, specialists, and technicians in countless areas of Chinese society and the Chinese economy. Their reports and impressions were informed by a first-hand knowledge of daily life in China, in contrast to those of Western observers.

The early documents in the History and Public Policy Program鈥檚 newly published collection of East German (GDR) sources 鈥 all of them competently translated by Bernd Schaefer 鈥 address leadership politics, the role of the military, violence and economic disruption during the Cultural Revolution, upheaval in the universities, mass rallies and show trials, Sino-Soviet border conflict, Chinese foreign policy in Africa, the cult of Chairman Mao, the Vietnam War, and China鈥檚 emerging relationship with the United States.

The East German and socialist bloc discussions were informed by a strong sense of China鈥檚 betrayal of the bloc, and China鈥檚 tragic deterioration and descent into a Maoist dictatorship. 鈥淭he CCP leadership exploited experiences and support of the socialist countries for its socialist build-up,鈥 claimed East German official Heribert Kunz in a , paraphrasing a presentation from the Hungarian ambassador. China was now attempting to 鈥渋solate and split鈥 the 鈥渇raternal socialist countries鈥 from the Soviet Union, shaped by Mao鈥檚 ambitions and 鈥済reat power chauvinism.鈥

Like many other socialist bloc officials, Kunz warned of 鈥渄ifferentiation,鈥 a Chinese effort to challenge Soviet leadership of the bloc by reminding East Europeans of their relationships to China independent of the Soviet Union and of their common struggles with the Soviet system and Soviet 鈥渋mperialism.鈥[1] A Czechoslovak report from October 1964 describes the hopeful but unsuccessful efforts of Chinese Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai to court the East Europeans after the ouster that month of Soviet General Secretary Nikita Khrushchev, an event sure to have a 鈥減ositive influence on China鈥檚 relations with the Soviet Union and the fraternal countries.鈥[2]

Instead the East European, and especially the East German, search for security and legitimacy remained tied to the alliance with the Soviet Union, soon to be realized in the end of the West German 鈥淗allstein Doctrine鈥 and the signing of the Basic Treaty between Both German States of 21 December 1972.[3] The Chinese effort to weaken the socialist bloc led by the Soviet Union would ultimately serve the interests of the United States, complained East German official Dr. Bettin in a . The United States was already taking advantage, he suggested, attempting 鈥渢o exploit the Maoist policy for implementation of their own global strategy.鈥

As the materials here suggest, East German and other socialist bloc officials carefully watched any emerging Chinese rapprochement with West European countries and the United States, fearful and apparently well aware of the likely long-term consequences for the socialist world of the emerging 鈥渢acit alliance,鈥 as Danhui Li and Yafeng Xia put it, between the United States and China.[4] The Sino-Soviet split, writes Julia Lovell, 鈥渋nitiated the slow death of the Soviet bloc.鈥[5]


[1] See James G. Hershberg, David Wolff, P茅ter V谩mos and Sergei Radchenko, 鈥淭he Interkit Story:聽 A Window into the Final Decades of the Sino-Soviet Relationship,鈥 Cold War International History Project Working Paper Series 63, or 31 January 1969, 鈥淧rotokoll,鈥 SAPMO DY 30/11929, 1-64.

[2] "Telegram z Pekingu," K艡铆stek, October 30, 1964, NA KS膶--AN--II, krabice 84, folder "Telegramy, s铆fry, depres猫, zpravy."

[3] Werner Kilian, Die Hallstein-Doktrin:聽 Der diplomatische Krieg zwischen der BRD und der DDR, 1955-1973 (Berlin:聽 Duncker & Humblot, 2001).

[4] Danhui Li and Yafeng Xia, Mao and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1959-1973:聽 A New History (Lexington, Massachusetts:聽 Rowman & Littlefield, 2018).聽 See also Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China, 1961-1974:聽 From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally" (Cambridge:聽 Cambridge University Press, 2004).

For similar East German fears about the consequences of the 鈥渁nti-Soviet conceptions鈥 of the 鈥淢ao-Group鈥 in China, see 20 July 1971, Schneidewind to Lothar Strauss; 19 May 1971, Liebermann to Gustav Hertzfeldt, MFA PAAA C 1083/73, 23-27; 5 May 1970, 鈥淚nformationsbericht des ADN-Korrespondenten in Hanoi,鈥 Feldbauer, MFA PAAA C 1083/73, 64-68; 8 February 1971, 鈥淰ermerk 眉ber ein Klubgespr盲ch der Botschafter und Gesch盲ftstr盲ger, Lothar Strauss, MFA PAAA C 504/75, 10.聽 On the various 鈥渃ards鈥 played by the United States and China, see Margaret MacMillan, 鈥淣ixon, Kissinger, and the Opening to China,鈥 in Fredrik Logevall and Andrew Preston, eds., Nixon in the World: 聽American Foreign Relations, 1969-1977 (Oxford:聽 Oxford University Press, 2008), 107-124; Yafeng Xia, 鈥淐hina鈥檚 Elite Politics and Sino-American Rapprochement, January 1969-February 1972,鈥 Journal of Cold War Studies, vol. 8, no. 4 (Fall 2006), 3-28.

[5] Julia Lovell, Maoism:聽 A Global History (New York:聽 Alfred A. Knopf, 2019), 147.

About the Author

Austin Jersild

Former Short-Term Scholar;
Professor, Department of History, Old Dominion University
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